Various forms of armed conflict continue to exist across the world today. While so-called “major wars” tend to draw global attention, a significant number of conflicts involve non-state armed groups. In the midst of this complex and unstable global situation, I have engaged in numerous dialogues with Youth Associated with Non-State Armed Groups (YANSAG)1 as a frontline practitioner in conflict resolution.
In seeking to address the root causes of such complex conflicts, it is essential to turn our attention to YANSAG and to shed light on their potential. However, the realities surrounding YANSAG, such as the backgrounds behind their association with armed groups, the specific needs they face, and the challenges of reintegration, remain insufficiently understood.
To address this gap, we, as Accept International and GTY in cooperation with The Nippon Foundation, conducted dialogue-based surveys with a total of 450 current and former YANSAG across 15 countries: Somalia, Yemen, Kenya, Indonesia, Colombia, Mali, Sudan, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Uganda, Haiti, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Nepal. This large-scale survey aimed to develop a comprehensive understanding of the factors and context that explain why and how they became associated with armed groups, the challenges they face, and the complex experiences they carry from their direct involvement in conflicts. The survey also highlighted the messages and aspirations of YANSAG, emphasizing their unique potential to become agents of peace by drawing on their own experiences as conflict actors. Based on this survey, nine key findings were identified.
1. Many YANSAG Joined Non-State Armed Groups as CAAFAG
The average age at which participants joined non-state armed groups across the 15 countries was 20.3 years old. However, as this figure shows, in all 15 countries, there were numerous cases of individuals who had joined these groups as children, meaning they were once classified as Children Associated with Armed Forces and Armed Groups (CAAFAG)2. The average minimum age of joining across all countries was 11.4 years old, with the youngest reported ages falling below 10 years old in Sri Lanka, Somalia, Colombia, Uganda, and Mali. After joining, many remained associated with the group for significant periods of time. The average duration of involvement ranged between 2.1 and 16.2 years, with a mean across all countries of 5.5 years. These findings indicate that many who joined armed groups as children remained within them as they grew older, passing beyond childhood while still part of it.
The issue of CAAFAG is governed by a comprehensive body of international law, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its associated protocols. However, once individuals reach the age of 18, these protections generally cease to apply. As a result, many former CAAFAG are left in a protection gap, with a limited legal and policy framework available to address their needs as youth. Given that a substantial number of YANSAG initially joined the groups as children, the international community must consider how to broaden protection and extend support to YANSAG who joined armed groups in their childhood.
2. According to YANSAG Themselves, More Than 70% of Non-State Armed Group Members Are Aged 18-35
While accurate data on the age distribution of members within non-state armed groups has been largely unavailable, estimates provided by YANSAG themselves offer a revealing picture. According to participants’ estimation of the groups they belonged to, an average of 48.6% of members were aged 18–29, with an additional 23.2% aged 30–35. This shows that, on average, 71.8% of group members were youth aged between 18-35.
Furthermore, many participants mentioned that their groups also included a notable number of children under the age of 18. This age distribution considerably exceeds the proportion of young people in the developing countries where these groups operate. While it is generally recognized that developing countries tend to have a higher share of youth in their populations compared to developed countries, these findings suggest that non-state armed groups are likely composed of an even higher proportion of children and youth.
3. Reasons for Joining Non-State Armed Groups Are Complex and Diverse
In countries such as Somalia, Yemen, and the Philippines, where armed conflict involves contemporary so-called violent extremist organizations, there are many cases in which young people were brought into non-state armed groups through direct threats, coercion, or social pressure driven by the groups’ territorial control and strong operational capabilities. On the other hand, in countries such as Sri Lanka, Nepal, Colombia, Ethiopia, Mali, and Pakistan, where armed conflicts have often been rooted in political ideologies, struggles for autonomy, or claims to certain rights, many YANSAG stated that they had voluntarily joined such groups to seek a better society.
However, in both contexts, the decision to join the group is often shaped by overlapping political, religious, social, economic, and security-related factors, making it difficult to attribute affiliation to a single cause. Moreover, economic hardship was rarely cited as the primary motivation, and some participants reported that their living conditions prior to joining were not particularly dire. In Mozambique and Uganda, there were also cases of individuals being forcibly recruited through abduction.
These findings underscore the importance of considering each young person’s individual experiences and circumstances.
4. Many YANSAG Wish to Leave the Groups, While Some Wish to Stay Depending on the Context. Flexible Approaches Are Essential
When asked about the desire to leave the groups, responses varied significantly across countries. In Sri Lanka, Nepal, Indonesia, Colombia, and Ethiopia, a considerable number of participants reported no clear desire to leave. In contrast, in Somalia, Yemen, Haiti, Sudan, Mozambique, Uganda, and Kenya, most of YANSAG stated that they had the desire to leave. In countries such as the Philippines, Mali, and Pakistan, responses were more evenly divided between those wishing to leave and those choosing to stay. Attitudes toward disengagement were often shaped by the circumstances of how they joined the groups, the nature of their experiences within the groups, and their psychological state during that period. In ongoing and intense armed conflicts such as those in Somalia, Yemen, Haiti, and Sudan, it is crucial to consider what kinds of measures can be taken to support YANSAG who wish to disengage.
In contexts such as Sri Lanka, Nepal, Indonesia, Colombia, and Ethiopia, a more suitable approach may not be to simply call for disengagement, but rather to take the perspectives and motivations of YANSAG seriously and work with them to explore a range of possible pathways toward achieving their goals. These cases showed that in rigidly hierarchical armed groups, leaders’ decisions heavily influence members’ disengagement, highlighting the need for both individual support and dialogue with leaders. By contrast, in places like Mozambique and Uganda, where many were forcibly recruited, protective measures focused on rescue are more appropriate.
These findings make it clear that support for YANSAG must take into account the diverse and complex backgrounds they have, and must be tailored to their individual needs and lived experiences.
5. All YANSAG Face Multiple Challenges in Disengagement and Reintegration
While disengaging from the armed groups is always a difficult process, our findings show that the need for amnesty and practical support for disengagement is particularly high in countries such as Somalia, Yemen, and Haiti, where disengagement is often prohibited by the groups. On the other hand, it is noteworthy that in Pakistan and Sudan, where joining and leaving the groups were often closely tied to their ethnic communities, there was little expressed need for amnesty or practical support for disengagement.
In the process of reintegration, one of the most pressing challenges reported in active armed conflict settings was the threat of attacks or harassment from armed groups or local communities. The data also revealed that many YANSAG continue to face severe economic hardship, discrimination, stigma, and uncertainty regarding their legal status, persisting widely even in countries where more than a decade has passed since the end of armed conflict. The support for reintegration was consistently identified as a major need across all countries, based on the perception that “disengagement marks the beginning of a new life.”
That said, participants also highlighted a wide range of other needs, including legal status, job opportunities, and protection from attacks by governments or the groups, suggesting that YANSAG’s situations and needs are highly diverse.
6. Many YANSAG Feel That Their Voices Are Not Heard by Both Their Governments and the International Community
Whether driven by ideology or other claims, many YANSAG reported that their voices remain largely unheard by both their governments and the international community. Despite the restrictive contexts, for example, in countries such as Somalia and the Philippines, where YANSAG face implicit barriers to openly criticizing the government, the survey revealed that many feel excluded or overlooked. This marginalization was often among the underlying reasons they initially joined armed groups or engaged in violence. For many, the continuing sense of being left behind fuels emotions such as anger and hopelessness and, in some cases, increases the risk of returning to violence. Notably, this feeling persists even among former YANSAG in countries where armed conflict has ended with relative stability, such as Sri Lanka and Nepal.
In recent years, there has been growing global momentum to actively incorporate young people’s perspectives into policy and development agendas, particularly in developing countries. However, young people with experiences of engagement in armed groups are rarely given a platform to be heard. Their voices are often dismissed as lacking value, underscoring the need for deliberate and proactive efforts to listen and amplify them. The continued silencing of YANSAG not only risks fueling radicalization and prolonging armed conflict, but also reflects a persistent gap that the international community has long struggled to address effectively.
7. The Vast Majority of YANSAG Both Aspire to Become Agents of Peace and Believe in Their Capacity to Do So
In the survey, the vast majority of YANSAG expressed a strong desire to become agents of peace. A total of 85% stated that they strongly believe or believe they can play this role, while 89.1% indicated that they strongly want to contribute or want to contribute to peacebuilding efforts. This represents a critical yet long-overlooked insight because how we engage with and leverage their aspirations will be central to advancing conflict resolution and sustaining peace.
Importantly, this willingness to contribute was consistently observed regardless of how participants had joined the armed groups. This suggests a determination to address social challenges and reflects a form of inner resilience forged through extremely difficult experiences of armed conflict. When asked what they hoped to achieve as agents of peace, many drew directly on lessons from their own experiences. Across countries, they frequently emphasized the importance of nonviolent approaches, supporting others who are suffering, and contributing to peaceful solutions, revealing both the shared and diverse nature of their aspirations.
Moreover, through dialogue during the survey, many YANSAG appeared to grow more encouraged about the possibility of peace. Taken together, these findings indicate that their vision of becoming agents of peace carries significant potential and should be regarded as a powerful source of hope.
8. The Skills Required for Becoming Agents of Peace Are Diverse, Not Just Income Generation
YANSAG require a diverse set of skills to become agents of peace, and the nature of these skills varies considerably. Across all countries, income-generating skills emerged as an important factor. While earning an income is essential for supporting oneself and one’s family, in fragile and unstable contexts, a stable income can also help individuals overcome discrimination, stigma, insecure legal status, and personal safety risks, while gradually earning respect within their communities.
At the same time, income generation alone is not sufficient. Participants emphasized the importance of a broad range of skills, including basic education, problem-solving, conflict resolution and peacebuilding, communication, leadership, and stress and anger management. These skills are essential for enabling YANSAG to engage in prosocial and peacebuilding activities sustainably. Many participants also highlighted the need for fundraising skills to mobilize resources for positive social initiatives, not just to secure personal income.
In some cases, participants identified new skills required for peacebuilding through the dialogue process itself. This underscores the need to not only amplify YANSAG’s voices but also to assess their needs carefully and potential in each specific context, in order to identify and develop the full set of skills necessary to support them comprehensively.
9. The Vast Majority of YANSAG Have Messages to the Government, the International Community, as Well as Current Combatants All Over the World
Lastly, the survey revealed that the vast majority of YANSAG have messages they wish to convey. Many expressed anger, disappointment, and demands toward local governments and the international community, while a significant number also emphasized nonviolent approaches and the importance of dialogue. Some directed messages to those currently engaged in armed groups, condemning attacks on civilians and children, calling for disengagement, or expressing a willingness to accept and support those who choose to leave.
These findings indicate that YANSAG carry numerous messages that can contribute significantly to conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Unlike the voices of ordinary youth, their perspectives reflect insights gained through direct involvement in armed conflict. How these voices are received and engaged with is now a critical question for the international community.
While many YANSAG face significant challenges, this survey across 15 countries reaffirmed the richness, diversity, and uniqueness of the potential they possess, shaped by their complex and often harsh experiences during the armed conflict. These findings suggest that with appropriate empowerment, YANSAG can move beyond their common portrayal as “threats to society” or “causes of conflict” and instead become unique agents of peace, contributing to social transformation as youth with distinctive potential. In this context, it is crucial to clearly define what empowerment means for them and turn it into concrete, practical actions. This approach will not only help YANSAG reintegrate into society but also make use of their lived experiences as a valuable resource to build sustaining peace.
In many respects, we are only beginning to understand the full potential of YANSAG. These youth possess the capacity to break cycles of violence and hatred, embodying narratives of reconciliation, healing, and renewal through both their voices and actions. Addressing the root causes of armed conflict requires understanding YANSAG and engaging with them directly. Now is the time to highlight their contributions and advance concrete, practical efforts that recognize and nurture their potential as unique agents of peace.
References
- YANSAG refers to young people, generally aged 18-35, though not strictly limited to this range, who have been recruited or used by NSAGs in any capacity. See Yosuke Nagai and Erica Harper, "Youth Associated with Non-State Armed Groups: Building an Evidence Base on Disengagement Pathways and Reintegration Challenges," Research Brief, the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights, 2023. ↩︎
- CAAFAG refers to any person below 18 years of age who is or who has been recruited or used by armed forces or armed groups in any capacity, including but not limited to children, used as fighters, cooks, porters, messengers, spies or for sexual purposes. See “The Paris Principles and Guidelines on Children Associated with Armed Forces or Armed Groups (Paris Principles)” ↩︎
